The Graveney Boat, a hop history mystery

In the history of brewing in Britain, the Graveney Boat is an archaeological anomaly almost as great as finding the skeleton of an Anglo-Saxon warrior with a hole in his skull that could only have been made by a 17th-century musket ball.

The boat – actually a clinker-built cross-channel cargo vessel, reconstructed as some 44 feet (13.6 metres) long, 11 feet (3.4 metres) wide and just three feet  (one metre) in draught – was abandoned more than a thousand years ago. It was discovered in 1970 under six feet of soil, during the widening of the Hammond Drain, a silted-up ancient natural water course linking Graveney village, a small settlement near the coast between Faversham and Whitstable in Kent, with the Thames estuary.

Dendrochronology suggests the Graveney Boat was about 55 years old when it was abandoned, since it was built from oak timbers cut in the mid-890s, and it had apparently been left to settle into the mud some time close to 950AD. When archaeologists analysed the boat and its immediate area, searching in particular for plant remains, they found evidence that pointed strongly towards it having carried a cargo of hops.

The Graveney Boat being excavated in 1970

Yet at the time the boat was stuck up a Kentish creek, (at a period when there was still a separate Viking King of Northumbria, contending with the King of England), English brewers were not using hops to flavour their ale – or at least, there is no good evidence at all that they were doing so. Hops stay unmentioned in the history of English brewing (apart from one brief and almost equally mysterious pop-up in the 12th century, to which we will return) until the 1500s, almost 400 years later, when immigrant brewers from the Low Countries started making the upstart Continental hopped drink bere, a rival to unhopped traditional English ale. So why were there hops on board the Graveney cargo boat?

Some have insisted that the Graveney Boat’s cargo is clear evidence that Anglo-Saxon brewers did, in fact, hops their ales. One vigorous supporter of this position is Francis Pryor, the archaeologist and Iron and Bronze Age historian (and Time Team TV star), who declared in his book Britain in the Middle Ages, published in 2007, that the Graveney Boat

“was carrying a cargo that included (presumably Kentish) hops – comprehensively destroying the myth that all medieval ale was unhopped.”

But this is totally wrong: the hops found in association with the Graveney Boat do no such thing. They prove nothing, except what they are – hops associated with a cargo ship abandoned in Kent about 950AD. There is no hard evidence whatsoever to link them with brewing (and nothing, either, that could let us presume the hops were from Kent. Indeed, since the remains found with the Graveney Boat also included fragments of quern-stones made from Mayen lava, in the Rhineland, then Germany seems a reasonable bet for the origin of the Graveney Boat hops, as it was the origin for the Graveney Boat quern-stones).

Pryor’s mistake, and the same goes for other writers who insist the Graveney Boat proves Anglo-Saxon ales were hopped, or were hopped at least sometimes, is to assume that hops were only ever associated with brewing, and that therefore the presence of hops on the ship MUST mean the presence of hopped beer nearby in space and time. But hops have had a wide range of uses in the past. In “Hopped Beer: The Case for Cultivation” (Economic Botany 48(2): 166-70, 1994), two American academics, DY DeLyser of Syracuse University and WJ Kasper of Pennsylvania State University, list almost a dozen uses for hops in the past, including as a salad vegetable; to make a fabric resembling linen; to make a hair rinse for brunettes; for dye-making (the hops themselves and the leaves yield a yellow dye, the hop sap a reddish-brown one); as bedding (for humans and animals) and insulation, and also as packing; to make twine; for fodder; and as a basis for manure. Hops can also be used to make sacking and paper, to fill hop pillows for those who have difficulty sleeping, and as a substitute for oak bark in tanning, and hop ash was used in the manufacture of Bohemian glass.

The fullest article on the subject is “Plant Remains from the Graveney Boat and the Early History of Humulus lupulus L. in W. Europe”, by D Gay Wilson of the Botany School at the University of Cambridge, from New Phytologist (1975) 75, pp 627-648. (This is also, still, after 37 years, one of the best accounts of early mentions of hops anywhere, and the source of one of my favourite quotes: “Beer is a popular subject, and the literature abounds in unsupported statements, misleading or inaccurate quotations and inaccurate references.” Indeed.)

The Graveney Boat being excavated: the stern is at the right

Wilson discusses the large number of hop “inflorescences” (cones) found on the brushwood next to the Boat, and the absence of hop pollen found in and around the Boat, although the hop “nuts” (seeds) that were found were fertilised, meaning they had to come from somewhere that hop pollen could be found. It is, she says,

“difficult to avoid the conclusion that hops were deliberately brought to the boat from a distance, or were actually unloaded from it when it was finally abandoned. The use and cultivation of hop in Britain are, however, of relatively recent and disputed date. Such an abundance of tenth-century hops in Britain, especially in salt-marsh deposits, requires special explanation.”

Now, across the Channel, in Picardy, hops were specifically mentioned in connection with brewing in 822AD, around 130 years before the Graveney Boat and its mystery cargo, when Abbot Adalhard of the Benedictine monastery of Corbie, in the Somme valley near Amiens, wrote a series of statutes on how the monastery should be run, which included a mention of gathering hops. Adalhard went on to say that a tithe (or tenth) of all the malt that came in to the monastery should be given to the porter of the monastery, and the same with the hops. If this did not supply enough hops, he should take steps to get more from elsewhere to make sufficient beer for himself: “De humlone … decima ei portio … detur. Si hoc ei non sufficit, ipse … sibi adquirat unde ad cervisas suas faciendas sufficienter habeat.”

There was another Benedictine monastery 110 miles to the north-east of Corbie, at Canterbury, and Canterbury is less than seven miles from Graveney. It seems more than probable that monks from Corbie would have visited their fellows at Canterbury. Did the Corbie monks pass on a taste for hops to their Kentish brethren? Could it be that the Graveney Boat represents a cargo of hops on its way to be used by the monks of Canterbury to flavour their brews? Well, it might: but the massive problem is that there is no evidence to support that. At all.

The word Adalhard uses for “hops”, “humlone, looks to be the same as the Old English word hymele, itself the same as the modern Flemish dialect word for hop, hommel, and a word in Old Norwegian, humli, which also meant hop. All these seem to come from a Germanic root meaning “to grope about”, referring to the way the plant’s stems twist as they grow, to try to find something to grasp and support themselves on.

Bryony – another lobe-leafed twining plant

That twisting about to try to find something to grasp and support themselves on might make a useful metaphor for people who go looking for proof that the Anglo-Saxons used hops to brew with. The hop does seem to have grown in England long before the 10th century: pollen remains dating back to the Neolithic and earlier from what were probably wild hops have been found at Thatcham in Berkshire and Urswick in Cumbria. Hymele has given us at least two placenames in England, Himbleton in Worcestershire and Himley in Staffordshire. However, the problem is that hymele may refer to the hop plant, or it may be a reference “to some similar [climbing] plant”, the Oxford Dictionary of Place Names says. A 10th or 11th-century Anglo-Saxon vocabulary glosses the Latin “uoluula”, that is, convolvulus, bindweed, as “hymele”, and the word hymele was also used for bryony (Bryonia alba), another climbing plant with hop-like lobed leaves. Even the plant name hemlock seems to mean “hymele-like”, perhaps because both it and bryony are extremely poisonous. So references to hymele are not necessarily references to the hop.

Wilson pulls up a number of references to hymele in Old English sources, and while the word does sometimes seem to refer to the hop, she struggles to find any occurances of hymele that might be connected to ale. The best is a reference in a 9th or 10th century copy of a herbal originally written in Latin around the fourth or fifth century AD, known as the Herbarium of Apuleius. In one section, chapter LXVIII, a plant named “herba brionia, which some call hymele” is recommended for “curing sore of spleen, making the disease pass out with the urine”. The writer of this version of the Herbarium (which is now in the British Museum) said the cure should be given to the sick person “to swallow among his mete“, that is, solid food, not drink, but added that “this wort [that is, herb] is to that degree laudable that men mix it with their usual drinks.” The comment about the herb being mixed with drinks is missing from some of the surviving Latin versions of the Herbarium, although a Latin version from the (Benedictine) monastery of Monte Cassino, in Italy, has that part but lacks the ” some call [it] hymele” bit, referring only to herba brionia.

Now, here’s where the analysis gets complicated, so hold my hand and I’ll try not to make this too confusing. Some commentators (influenced, apparently, by a 19th century translator of Apuleius, the marvellously named Thomas Oswald Cockayne, in a book with the equally marvellous title of Leechdoms, wortcunning and starcraft of early England, published 1864) have decided to ignore the herba brionia reference, fixate on the idea that “hymele” can only mean hops here, and conclude that “usual drinks” must mean ale. They decide, therefore, that “men mix it with their usual drinks” must means that hops went into ale in 9th or 10th century England.

But we cannot at all take it that “hymele” here means “hops”. The passage is talking about a herb that encourages urination. Hops are a mild diuretic. But bryony is much better at the job: bryony was recommended by herbalists right up to the 20th century for disorders of the urinary passages, and was “said to be one of the best diuretics in medicine”. Bryony fits the whole passage much more satisfactorily than hops do – and if “some” called herba brionia, the herb under discussion, by the name “hymele“, that would almost certainly be because bryony and “real” hymele/hops are both lobe-leaved climbing plants that throw out tendrils, and “some” were confusing one with the other. In which case it was briony that went into the “usual drinks”, not hops.

It could be argued that since some copies of the Herbarium lack the part that says “this wort is to that degree laudable that men mix it with their usual drinks”, this bit was added by a later scribe copying out the Herbarium, who was himself confused, didn’t know what herba brionia was, thought the reference to “hymele” in the original really did mean the hop plant, and added the “men mix it with their usual drinks” line because he knew that’s what happened with “real” hymele. Thus – tada! – some monkish copyist makes a mistake but in doing so “proves” to later readers that the Anglo-Saxons put hops in their ale. Except that this whole circumstantial chain relies on at least three assumptions: that the “men mix it” line is a later interpolation, that the person who interpolated it while copying out the Herbarium themselves didn’t know that herba brionia wasn’t hymele, and that “men mix it with their usual drinks” means “men put it in their ale”.

Even ignoring the fact that there is nothing in that whole passage about boiling or brewing, or ale, nor anything about using the cones or inflorescences, which would unequivocally identify this “wort” as the hop, that’s too many assumptions for me. Wilson says of the passage in the Herbarium of Apuleius that it “would seem to be an obvious reference to the making of hopped beer.” But I hope I’ve just shown that it’s a very long way from that.

Anything else? Well, there was a form of rent called “hopgavel” or “hoppegavel” in medieval Kent, which Wilson says “appears to be the name given to a money-rent replacing an earlier customary due of hops”. She quotes a German publication from 1967, Die Traditionen des Hochstifts Freising, by the aptly named Theodor Bitterauf, which apparently details documents mentioning orchards with hop-gardens that appear in the records from 859-875 AD onwards of the (then Augustinian) Abbey of Freising, Bavaria (home, of course, of the Weihenstephan brewery). Wilson also lists printed sources from 1844, 1853 and 1909 that apparently show that “[f]rom the mid-9th century other monasteries in France and elsewhere expected dues of hops from their tenants, in such quantity that cultivation is implied, for example St Remi [Rheims, France, Benedictine], Lobbes [Hainault, modern Belgium, Benedictine] and St Germain [Paris, Benedictine]. Hoppegavel, she suggests, had its roots in similar hop dues to those found in Rheims, Hainault and Paris, and “[t]he hop dues were surely for brewing, just as on the continent.”

But again this assumes that people collecting hops were doing so to make beer: just because that was the case at Corbie does not mean it was the case in Rheims, Hainault, Paris or Canterbury. They could have been collecting hops to make dye with, or any of the other uses the plant was put to. And anyway, we may not even be talking about Humulus lupulus here: “hoppe” in Middle English could also mean the seedpod of the flax plant, and “hoppegavel” is defined in one Middle English dictionary as a rent paid in flax pods. Flax was certainly cultivated in Kent, from as early as the Bronze Age, and evidence of the plant turns up in analyses that have been made of charred plant remains found during the construction of the Channel Tunnel rail link. So Wilson’s “hoppegavel = hop dues” evidence for the use of hops in Anglo-Saxon brewing is also shaky. (Incidentally, none of the admittedly few recent palaeobotanical studies in Kent that I have seen seem to have found any evidence of ancient hops. The Graveney Boat really is an anomaly.)

Wilson concludes her study by declaring that

We have shown that the Graveney boat was probably destined for brewing. It provides the first concrete evidence that hopped beer was known in Britain in the tenth century.”

But there is no “probably” about it at all, and the evidence is a long way from concrete: not even balsa wood. Tissue. Most importantly, for nearly four centuries there is, apart from one other anomaly, no more hints at all that hops were used in English brewing, no sign of hop cultivation in England. Hops are not mentioned anywhere in the Domesday Book, the mighty Anglo-Norman land survey completed in 1086. Hops are not mentioned at all in the compilation of 13th century records of St Paul’s Cathedral by William Hale Hale (sic) called The domesday of St Paul’s of the year MCCXXII, and published in 1856, although it gives all the quantities of oats, wheat and barley that went into the ale drunk by the priests of St Paul’s, and even lists the brewery workers. Hops are not mentioned in the section on brewing in the late 13th century Treaty of Walter de Biblesworth.

When hops and hopped beer finally do incontrovertibly appear in England, in the late 14th and early 15th centuries, the English language had to adopt the name for the plant that flavoured beer from Dutch, the language of the Low Countries immigrants who brought the taste for hops with them, since the English had apparently forgotten “hymele”, if that had ever meant “hop”. The fact that hopped beer was seen as something completely new in England is clear from the violent reaction beer provoked from the 15th century onwards, with Henry VI having to step in to stop “alien” beer brewers being attacked in 1436, Andrew Boorde – who was originally a Carthusian monk – thundering against it in the 16th century, complaining that while “Ale for an Englysshman is a naturall drynke,” beer was “of late days … much used in Englande to the detryment of many Englysshe men”, and as late as the 17th century, John Taylor, the self-styled Water Poet, still moaning that compared to good old traditional unhopped English ale, “Beere is but an Upstart and a Foreigner or Alien.”

This is, I think, the big question that has to be answered by those who declare that Anglo-Saxon ale was, at least on occasions, flavoured with hops: if that is so, why did brewers in England clearly forget all about hops as a flavouring? Why did hopped beer have to be (re?)introduced from Continental Europe hundreds of years after the Graveney Boat supposedly “provided concrete evidence” of Anglo-Saxon brewers using hops? Why, if hymele meant “hops”, did we forget that word, and have to import a word for the plant from Europe? It seems to me much simpler to suppose that hops never arrived in English brewhouses until the 15th century than to suppose that we were brewing with hops in the 10th century and then dropped the idea for a few centuries until the Flemings and Hollanders came over and reminded us about the hop again.

But what about that other anomoly? In the records of the priors and convent of Westminster Abbey appears an entry dating from around 1118-1120 regarding the weekly “farm” (allowance) of the monks:

Hec est firma monachorum in septimana: ad panem: vj cumbas et lx et vij solidos ad coquinam; et xx hops de brasio; et × de gruto; et iij cumbas avene; et ad servientes j marcam argenti.

Did those Benedictine monks drink hopped ale?

“Brasio” is pretty obviously a late Latin word cognate with the medieval French “brasser”, “to brew” (from which English ultimately derives the word “brasserie”, via French eateries), so it’s clear what “hops de brasio” means – though note that they are being used alongside “gruto”, which must be “gruit/grout”, “flavouring for beer before the introduction of hops” (Oxford English Dictionary). So there we are: clear evidence that in the time of Henry I, hops were being used in brewing in London, albeit alongside gruit. “Avene”, incidentally, is “oats”, and “cumba” must be “coomb”, a measure equal to half a quarter or four bushels. Oats were commonly used in medieval brewing. But were hops?

No, I think, has to be the answer. This is the only known reference to the use of hops in brewing in England for nearly 300 years. The Westminster monks were Benedictines, like those in Corbie, Rheims, Hainault and Paris (and, by then, Freising), and Abbess Hildegard of St Rupertsberg, in Germany, who was writing about hops and brewing in 1155 or so, and if they were using hops in their beer, it seems quite plausible that the Benedictine monks of Westminster did the same. But if they did, then once again, there is no evidence at all that this practice spread out into the wider world of medieval English brewing, and credit to introducing hops to England must still go to the Low Countries immigrants of the 15th century.

Still, I doubt that my trying to drive a stake into this particular claim is going to kill it off. Here’s Francis Pryor at it again on his own blog last month, prompted by recollections of working at the “family brewery”, Truman’s, in the East End (his ancestors were Quaker brewers and maltsters from Baldock in North Hertfordshire, and one branch of the Pryor family took a lease on the brewery in Shoreditch High Street that had originally been Ralph Harwood’s: when that lease ran out in 1816 the Pryors joined their fellow Quakers at the nearby Brick Lane brewery): “The Saxon (pre-Norman) boat from Graveney, in Kent, was carrying a cargo of hops. Despite this, the myth persists that all medieval beers were un-hopped. Some may have been, especially domestic or home brews, but many weren’t.” Sorry, Francis, you’ve got no evidence at all for saying “many weren’t” unhopped.

And incidentally, your account in your blog of the latter history of Truman’s, that it “was taken over by Watneys (later Grand Metropolitan)”, is completely up the spout as well. Grand Met – then a hotel and catering company – bought Trumans in 1972, and acquired Watneys the following year.

24 thoughts on “The Graveney Boat, a hop history mystery

  1. The most commonly grown garden plant in Norway today is the hop. Hops also grow wild throughout Norway wherever there are traces of human habitation.

    The lights in the main street of Tromsø, northern Norway, 350km inside the Arctic Circle, are supported on elaborate wrought-iron planters in which hops grow, they survive the winter without any protection.

    Every 30cm along the long south-facing wall of Macks brewery in Tromsø, there is a support wire up which hops grow, and every summer they produce a healthy crop of cones, they even flourish on a north-facing wall (only get sunshine between 6pm and 6 am) in the Tromsø Botanical Gardens.

    Hops have been grown commercially in the Alta valley – the extreme north of Norway. Although the average day time high in July is only 17C, there is little wind, the skies are usually clear, which means the hops get sunshine for 24 hours a day. (Tonbridge in Kent – heart of the traditional hop growing area – is 51 degrees north, Alta is 70 degrees north.)

    Traditionally hops were not grown in the UK on hop “farms” but in hop “gardens”; gaarden is the Norwegian for “the farm”.

    The Norwegian word for beer is øl – pronounced earl – it is not hard to see that this is the origin for the English word ale.

    Hop pollen and seeds have been found at almost every excavation of ancient Norwegian site where barley has been found, and as Norwegian Vikings began settling in England from around 800, I suggest that hops will have been grown here since that time too.

    1. “it is not hard to see that this is the origin for the English word ale.”

      Well, it’s not the origin: it’s “cognate”, as they say in linguistics, that is, they have the same ancestry in Proto-Germanic, or wherever.

      “Hop pollen and seeds have been found at almost every excavation of ancient Norwegian site where barley has been found, and as Norwegian Vikings began settling in England from around 800, I suggest that hops will have been grown here since that time too.”

      You can suggest, but unfortunately there isn’t any evidence. So far the Graveney Boat is the only archaeological site in England, I believe, where hops have been found in quantity.

      1. I accept from a strictly correct English point of view it is not be possible to say that Ale has not come from Norway, but the English of NE England, and the school playground, most of the commonly used words have such an obviously-close link to modern Norwegian that they are pronounced in the same way, have the same meaning, but differ only in the way that those sounds are created phonetically i.e. their spelling, that I think it is a reasonable assumption that when the Vikings settled in England they continued to call their beer, øl, and their bread, brød, just as they called the hills, fells (N. fjell=mountain) valleys, dales (N. dal= valley) and streams, bekks (N. bekk=stream).

        I am a retired brewer and when I was a student, 45 years ago, I was taught that it was impossible to grow hops north of 52 degrees, so I was astonished when I first visited Norway to see them growing in such abundance,even in the high Arctic. It was only some years later that I started to wonder if the Vikings had brought hops to England. However there is nothing in Norway to suggest they did, in fact it is generally believed that the only plant that Vikings carried where ever they settled was angelica (Angelica sylvestris).

        1. “Pottery found with the boat is of 8-9th century type. Attempts have been made to date the boat by C 14 (AD 944 +/- 30), and by dendrochronology. The latter in 1978 gave a date of AD 927 +/- 2, and this was revised in 1983 to AD 895 +/- 2. But in 1994 it was not possible to obtain a dendro match.” (

          What I can’t find any reference to is analysis of the timber to find out where the trees were grown – and where presumably the boat was built. It is usually referred to as Anglo-Saxon, but the construction suggests to me it could equally well be Anglo-Danish – perhaps on the way to the Danelaw, where as Stuart suggests, hops may well have been grown.

  2. Very interesting and thorough. I would think, but it cannot be proved, that hops were used for brewing in some early communities in England including by the Benedictine order due to the “international” element you noted, and possibly in some areas where the Vikings were influential. It was probably one of the many things which formed part of the gruit mixtures, as indeed that isolated reference from the 1100’s suggests.

    The hop might have been used only by some circles, and thus was not in general use until the Low Country settlers arrived with their beer. I can see a situation where the general populace did not use hops, but “learned” communities such as some monastics, with access to European practices, did, or some local communities, secular, did. Usually when something is new, it does come in of a piece, but there are precedents here and there.

    I would agree too that some hop imports might have been employed for non-brewing purposes, this is possible.

    Writ large, I agree with your basic conclusions but still feel hopped beer was known here and there in England just as countless local variations would have existed to make this kind of beer and that. Some communities had a trick, one might say, just as they had to make a beer clear when others’ couldn’t, or sound when others’ went sour. That seems reasonable to me from the evidence marshalled here.


  3. At Wye Hops there was a PhD thesis (from the 80s I think) that had a section on pre-1500s hops in Britain. I was too busy researching Farnham hops to take notes but I’ll see if I can get get back for another look in the not too distant future.

    1. I reached my conclusion regarding the origin of UK hops, because of many factors, not least the similarity in the license to brew beer – all farms have the right to brew beer for their workers.

      Although farm brewing in the UK stopped a long time ago, there are many farms in Norway that still have their equipment and the brewing vessels are recognisable as small-scale versions of a typical British ale brewery. The reason the equipment is still around is that there are many unused farm buildings

      I look forward to hearing more details of the thesis; as I travel around Norway and see the vast number of very healthy hop plants growing at sites that have been continuously occupied for millenia, I keep wondering if anyone in hop breeding is aware of the genes that are available.

      Further to commercial growing in northern latitudes, there is a large park in the centre of Stockholm called Hulmegården – or the hop farm – this is where the Swedish navy used to grow all the hops for the sailors’ beer rations.

        1. Wild hops are indigenous to England no less and a similar logic applies, i.e., in some places, at some times, hops were used to flavour cereal drinks, The usage does not have to be generalized, and indeed I accept it was not until about 1500.


    1. I agree fully but all data is subject to interpretation and indeed opinion, and based on everything discussed here and things I’ve read elsewhere, I believe beer brewing did use hops occasionally in the period under discussion. It’s an inference, in other words, from the many pieces of data offered. To be sure this is different from stating the record is clear on that point; it is not, to be sure and one indeed can draw contrary opinions, but that is what I think to date.


  4. If there is documentary evidence that Benedictine monasteries in France and Germany produced hops as a commercial product and used it in beer prior to the date of the Graveney boat, is it not reasonable to propose that such beer-making technology was transferred to Benedictine monasteries in England?
    It was not just taste; the preservative qualities of hops would also have been a valuable commercial secret and the Benedictines were commercially minded. This explains why the practice did not become widespread at the time. Beer was an important commodity for supplying and rationing sea armies at the time.

    1. “If there is documentary evidence that Benedictine monasteries in France and Germany produced hops as a commercial product” – there isn’t, to my knowledge. Do you know of any? Nor do I know of people using hops for their preservative effect before Hildegard of Bingen mentioned it in the 12th century: you can use hops for flavouring withoutr realising that by boiling them in wort fopr a long time you get a preservative effect.

  5. The first documentary evidence for cultivated hops come from the annals of the Abbey of Freisingen in Bavaria from AD 859 onwards. Records from French monasteries ( St Remi, Lobbes and St Germain) showed that they collected rent in kind (hops) from tenants from the mid-ninth century onwards in such large quantities that it could only be for larger scale commercial purposes, which rules out the other marginal uses for hops. In AD 768 King Pepin the Short, Charlemagne’s father, granted forest lands at Ivelines to the Abbey of St Denis, Paris, which were prized for their hops resources, not necessarily that the hops were cultivated, but it shows they were an important commercial resource. In the tenth century, the Abbey of St Denis owned land around Hastings port and it is thought that beer was sold as provisons for mariners there. The preservative quality of hops would be an important benefit for beer transported by sea and hops’ antibiotic qualities had been known since much earlier, hence its medicinal use by monks.

    Carmen Widonis – The First History of the Norman Conquest – Kathleen Tyson 2018

  6. I’m not sure why you have put a link to D. Gay Wilson’s article in your response, since it’s that very article I spent 2,000 or more words on right above you there, ripping apart. Anyway, in response to your response, OK, let’s pull this to pieces:

    “The first documentary evidence for cultivated hops come from the annals of the Abbey of Freisingen in Bavaria from AD 859 onwards.”

    I want to know EXACTLY what these accounts say, in the original (presumably) Latin, and I want to know how they have been dated: there are few if any records from that period than can be and have been dated to the exact year. I am not interested in second or third-hand accounts via other people’s translation, since in my experience people mangle translations, interpolate stuff that was not in the original and generally screw it up.

    “Records from French monasteries ( St Remi, Lobbes and St Germain) showed that they collected rent in kind (hops) from tenants from the mid-ninth century onwards in such large quantities that it could only be for larger scale commercial purposes, which rules out the other marginal uses for hops.”

    Again, I want to know exactly what these records say, in the original, and how the conclusion was arrived at that these must be hops collected for “commercial” use. Monasteries could be large establishments, and supplying several hundred people with drink required a lot of resources. Large-scale production does not automatically therefore mean commercial production. In addition there were plenty of other uses for hops, such as for dyeing

    “In AD 768 King Pepin the Short, Charlemagne’s father, granted forest lands at Ivelines to the Abbey of St Denis, Paris, which were prized for their hops resources, not necessarily that the hops were cultivated, but it shows they were an important commercial resource.”

    Pepin granted land at Ivelines that included, among “diversa loca”, a place called Humlonariae. All this indicates is somewhere where hops were known to grow, no more than that. It does not indicate a place “prized for their hop resources”, nor that they were “an important commercial resource”.

    “In the tenth century, the Abbey of St Denis owned land around Hastings port and it is thought that beer was sold as provisions for mariners there.”

    By whom and on what evidence?

    “The preservative quality of hops would be an important benefit for beer transported by sea and hops’ antibiotic qualities had been known since much earlier, hence its medicinal use by monks.”

    Where is the documentary evidence for hops’ antibiotic qualities being known before the 12th century? What is the evidence for hops’ medicinal use by monks? If the use of hops to preserve beer was known earlier than the 12th/13th centuries, why do we see no evidence of the spread of hopped beer before then?

    The accounts of the history of the earliest use of hops in beer are stuffed with multiple claims with no actual hard evidence being presented to back those claims up, and a great deal of jumping to unwarranted conclusions.

    1. The Chapter and verse you ask for is provided in the footnotes of the Gay Wilson article and the Kathleen Tyson (a scholar of medieval latin documents) book. However, you still have not addressed my key point.

      You ask why hops in beer did not become widespread, and I suggested (not unreasonably I think) that it was a Benedictine commercial secret, just as the formula for coca-cola was kept secret.

      Also by suggesting that the alternative uses of hops were sufficiently important as to justify international trade, I think you make an even more unlikely and unsupported assumption than that the hops were used for brewing. Hops grew wild in many forests in quantities, sufficient to satisfy the alternative uses. This is something I trust Gay Wilson on more than you.

  7. It’s entirely UNreasonable to suggest that the monks would have been able to keep an important commercial development such as boiled hopped beer secret for hundreds of years. Monasteries had plenty of lay workers helping the monks. Do you think that in multiple places across multiple decades none of those lay workers would have gone out the monastery door and started their own boiled hop beer brewery?

    Turning to the Tyson book:

    “King Pepin the Short … left a hops garden at his death to the clerics of St Denis.”

    No. As I already said, he left lands which included somewhere called “Humlonariae”. This means somewhere noted for hops. It does not indicated hop cultivation or a hop garden.

    “Hops beer can be stored, transported and traded much further from breweries”

    True, but only if the hops have been boiled in the wort for at least an hour, to ensure isomerisation. Early medieval brewers did not boil their worts (indeed, some Norwegian farm brewers still don’t.) This, boiling the wort with hops in a separate vessel after mashing, was the technological breakthrough that enabled the Hanseatic brewers of Hamburg and elsewhere to start exporting their beer, and there is no evidence that was happening before the 13th century (see Richard Unger, Beer in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, pp56-59)

    “The mercantile monks of Saint-Denis … would have controlled very strictly the early cultivation and use of hops, growing it only on their own lands.”

    This is made-up, evidence-free nonsense. How could the monks have controlled what others grew? And in any case, hops grew wild across northern Europe.

    “Spread by Saint-Denis to its diverse estate, hops soon began to displace other beer additives, being preferred by brewers more generally from the late 9th century.”

    Simply not true. The whole history of brewing in northern Europe shows the domination of gruit, that is a mixture of herbs such as bog myrtle and bugloss, through to the 14th century. In Louvain in 1378, for example, 98 per cent of brews still contained gruit (Leo Moulin, Eating and Drinking in Europe, p234).

    “Most English hops is still grown in Sussex on or near the Rother and Brede Valley estates of Saint-Denis”

    Not true. Kent was and remains the centre of English hop growing, and there is no evidence of hops being grown in England until the 16th century, when experts from the Low Countries had to be imported to show the English how to do it.

    “Saint-Denis brought hops beer brewing to Britain and popularised hops beer as a drink for the English”

    Nonsense. There is no evidence for hopped beer being drunk in England by the general populace until the very late 14th century, and it is clear this was a new drink introducing by foreigners, not least because the English language adopted the Dutch names “beer” and “hop”. In addition, there was considerable resistance in England to this newfangled foreign drink, which was still found as late as the 17th century.

    I have no doubt that hops were used to flavour beer in the late first millennium, as evidenced by their being gathered in connection with brewing. Brewers still dry-hop beers today, to get extra hoppy flavours in their beers, and that hoppy flavour was whatb those hop gatherers were after. What I don’t believe is that hops were used to preserve beer before the 12th century in Continental Europe, that they were boiled in the wort. If they had been, if boiled hop beer had been around from the 9th century, then the clear advantages boiled hop beer has over unboiled ales and beers would have meant the spread of hopped beer would have happened much earlier than we see it happen.

    1. Thank you for taking the trouble to reply in such detail, and I am sure I probably agree with much of your assessment, but when we are talking about the first millennium, it is obvious that a lot of it will be conjecture and interpretation of documents, where the writers themselves may be imprecise and lacking detailed knowledge.

      I of course agree with you that in the early days, at the time of King Pepin, hops would have been a product collected wild from bog forests and certain forests would be prized when prolific in wild hops. This is also Gay Wilson’s interpretation, but the fact that wild hops were valued, indicates that there was demand for the product in particular from the Benedictine monasteries .

      What is interesting about the Graveney boat and difficult to dispute is that hops had become a commercially traded product. This could still mean that it was collected from the wild and not cultivated, but I would say that the onus is on the person who thinks that hops were not for brewing to find evidence of an alternative use that made trade worthwhile, and I think that would be at least as difficult to justify as the beer hypothesis.

      In the period we are talking about, the Benedictines were heavily involved in administering and taxing international trade, and in the circumstances, I think it would be easy for them to maintain their trade secrets, and the idea that an illiterate local peasant might set up in competition with their local abbey is fatuous and pays no regard to the power relationships that existed at the time. More likely, the abbeys’ lands were expropriated by higher powers in the country and with that the ‘know-how’ of beer brewing got lost and, yes, it did seem like a new drink had been introduced in the late 14th century.

      You probably already understand that I follow closely the history of my present home town Hastings. I appreciate that much in Ms Tyson’s book is conjecture for lack of precise evidence; but she and the people at King’s College have clearly spent time poring over ancient documents to consider possible interpretations. And Ms Tyson takes the trouble to not stay in the library, but to get out and look at the geography related to the history. I enjoy considering the possibilities without closing my mind that things can be disproved as new evidence comes to light.

      There seems little doubt that wild hops would have been available in the Andredsweald forest around Hastings and the Benedictines lost their estate here not so long after 1066. Part of Hastings’ main park, Alexandra Park, were hop gardens until the early nineteenth century and this land would have belonged to the Benedictines. It pleases me to think that this history might eventually be traced back to before 1066, but I am not holding my breath! I will continue searching for evidence that the preservative qualities of hops as an additive were understood by the Benedictines.

      Footnote: as far as the Benedictines in Bavaria are concerned, it seems unlikely that they did not lose the know-how, because what is claimed to be the World’s oldest continuously operating brewery, the Weihenstephan Brewery, traces its roots back to the same abbey in the 8th century –

    2. “What is interesting about the Graveney boat and difficult to dispute is that hops had become a commercially traded product.”

      Not necessarily at all. It is very easy to suppose that the hops carried in the Graveney boat were used, eg, as packaging material for something fragile. I could list you a dozen different uses for a boatload of hops. It’s not good enough to assert that “they must have been used for brewing, and they must have been traded commercially.” You have to provide actual evidence, not speculation.

      “I think it would be easy for them to maintain their trade secrets” – that’s you speculating. Your evidence for this claim is?

      “The idea that an illiterate local peasant might set up in competition with their local abbey is fatuous and pays no regard to the power relationships that existed at the time.” – don’t underestimate illiterate peasants. Medieval people were just as smart as you, illiterate or not.

      As for Weihenstephan’s claims to be the world’s oldest continuing operating brewery, the document allegedly proving this is generally held to be a 17th century fake, unfortunately … the first definite evidence for the brewery’s existence dates only from 1675.

      “I will continue searching for evidence that the preservative qualities of hops as an additive were understood by the Benedictines.” Please do, and do let me know if you find any evidence. But as I have said, I remain deeply sceptical that hops were used for anything other than flavouring in England, and even then only rarely, until immigrants from the Continent introduced hopped beer in the 15th century

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